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Pieter Kenyon Fleming-Voltelyn van der Byl (11 novembre 1923 – 15 novembre 1999) fut un homme politique rhodésien et un associé proche d'Ian Smith, premier ministre de Rhodésie. Entre 1974 et 1979, il était ministre des affaires étrangères, faisant partie du gouvernement Smith. Venant d'une famille riche du Cap, van der Byl parlait avec un accent typique des couches les plus hautes de la société anglaise, même si beaucoup croyait qu'il affectait cet accent.[1]. En tant que membre du Front rhodésien, il prennait des positions très appréciées chez l'aile droite de son parti, il s'oppossait à tout essai de parvenir à un accord avec les nationalistes africains, lesquels il croyait s'être alliés avec les Communistes. Il s'appellait d'habitude P. K. van der Byl, la forme abrégée de son nom.

A la suite d'une éducation internationalle de haut vol, van der Byl s'est installé dans la colonie de Rhodésie afin de gérer les terrains agricoles de sa famille. Il s'est engagé dans la vie politique au début des années 1960s, à travers son implication dans les groupes politiques d'agricultures, et devint ministre de la propagande. Un des principaux agitateur pour la Déclaration unilaterale d'independance, van der Byl était ensuite responsable pour l'introduction de la censure de la presse. Il était incapable de persuader l'opinion internationale de reconnaître la Rhodésie en tant que nouvelle nation, mais il était apprécié des membres de son propre parti.

Elevé au gouvernement en 1968, van der Byl est devenu un porte-parole très prominent pour le gouvernement rhodésien, et il cultivait l'image d'un partisan dur de la continuation du gouvernement de la minorité blanche. En 1974, il devint ministre des affaires étrangers et de la défense, alors que le seul allié de la Rhodésie, l'Afrique du Sud, l'aidait militairement. Ses prises de position extrêmes et sa manière brusque en ont fait un choix surprenant comme diplomate (un article sur lui dans The Times l'a décrit comme « un homme choisi pour offenser ».[2]. Après qu'il eut offensé le gouverement sud africain, van der Byl perdit son poste de ministre de la défense.

A la fin des années 1970, van der Byl était prêt à endorser les négotiations que mènait alors que gouvernement Smith avec les leaders nationalistes africains modérés, et il rejetta des essais de la part des missions internationales de négotier un accord entre les deux parties. Il était membre du gouvernement dit d'« internal settlement » en 1979. A la suite de la création du Zimbabwe, van der Byl restait impliqué dans la politique et proche d'Ian Smith et attaquait des anciens partisans de Smith qui soutenaient Robert Mugabe. Il prit sa retraite en Afrique du sud lorsque le gouvernement Mugabe abolit des sièges reservés à la minorité blanche au parlement.

Famille et jeune âge

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Van der Byl naquit au Cap, dans l'Afrique du sud, le fils du Majeur Piet van der Byl, membre du gouvernement sud africain de Jan Smuts durant la deuxième guerre mondiale. Comme son père, Van der Byl étudia au Diocesan College à Rondebosch [3] mais ses études furent interrompues par la guerre en 1941.[4]. Il a fait son service dans l'armée sud africaine pendant la deuxième guerre mondiale[3] et était brièvement attaché à l'unité britanique, les 7th Queen's Own Hussars[5]; il est alors passé au moyen orient, en italie et en autriche.

A la suite de sa carrière millitaire, van der Byl fit des études de droit à Pembroke College, Cambridge[6] où il s'est fait remarquer pour ses manières aristocratiques. « PK » (comme on l'appellait souvent) était toujours habillé et coiffé de façon élégante ; d'où son sobriquet « the picadilly dutchman ». Il obtint un diplôme de troisième classement lors de la deuxième partie de ses exams de droit en 1947. [7] Il poursuivit ses études à [[Harvard University]|Harvard]], en gestion des affaires (1947-1948), mais ses études n'ont pas abouti à l'obtention d'un diplôme quelconque.[8]. Il a aussi étudié à l'University de Witwatersrand en Afrique du sud. [9].

le 31 août, 1979 il s'est marié (pour la première fois) avec la princesse Charlotte Maria Benedikta Eleonore Adelheid von und zu Liechtenstein (âgé de 30 ans de moins que lui). Elle est la fille du prince Heinrich Karl de Liechtensteinet nièce d'Otto von Habsburg. Le couple eut trois fils : Pieter Vincenz van der Byl (né 1980), Valerian van der Byl (né 1982) et Casimir van der Byl (né 27 juillet, 1990)[10].

Installation en Rhodésie

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Van der Byl vint en Rhodésia en 1950 afin de gérer certains des intérêts familiaux dans le tabac, en espérant faire fortune.[4]. Il était content de s'installer dans ce pays, car il pouvait alors donner libre cours à sa passion pour la chasse au grand gibier : en cette année même en Angola il établit le record du plus grand éléphant jamais tué, lequel il détenait pendant bien des années.[11].

En 1957, van der Byl fut nommé directeur de l'United Dominions Corporation (Rhodesia) Ltd. Il était déjà membre actif de la ;;Rhodesia Tobacco Association. En 1956, il fut élu par les membres de la circonscription Selous Gadzema au conseil de l'Association du tabac. Il était aussi vice président de l'association d'agriculteurs du Selous en 1957. Sa première implication dans le gouvernement était en 1960, lorsque l'association rhodésienne du tabac l'ont fait l'un de leurs représentants sur la National Native Labour Commission, où il servait pendant deux ans. En 1961, il a représenté l'association rhodésienne du tabac au conseil du syndicat national rhodésienne d'agriculteurs.[12]. On le considérait comme un important porte-parole des agriculteurs rhodésiens de tabac.[3].

L'homme politique Winston Field (Dominion Party) avait aussi dirigé l'association rhodésienne de tabac, et van der Byl partageait les avis politiques de celui-ci. van der Byl va adhérer au Rhodesian Front lorsque le front voit le jour sous le leadership de Field. Lors de l'élection rhodésienne générale de 1962, van der Byl fut élu avec un marge confortable à la chambre d'assemblée de Rhodésia dans la circonscription d'Hartley, une région rurale situé au sud-ouest de Salisbury (l'actuel Harare)[13].

Carrière de ministre

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En 1963, Winston Field nomme van der Byl comme junior whip (député responsable de veiller à ce qu'aux autres députés du même parti votent comme le veulent ses leaders) [12], et le 16 mars, 1964 il fut nommé secrétaire parlementaire à la ministère de justice. Ce secrétaire était responsable du service d'information (propagande ?).[14]. Bien que l'on classât la famille van der Byl très à gauche en Afrique du sud, P. K. van der Byl était un membre de l'aile droite de son parti et aida à forcer Field (qui était alors premier ministre) de se démissionner en april 1964, lorsque Field failed to persuade the gouvernement du Royaume-Uni to grant Southern Rhodesia its independence. The new Prime Minister, Ian Smith, appointed him Deputy Minister for Information[14]. At this time, van der Byl's chief adviser was a South African called Ivor Benson, who strongly believed in an international communist conspiracy which was plotting to overthrow white rule in Rhodesia[15].

Lors d'une séance de la legislative assembly le 13 août, 1964 il se prit aux propositions visant à donner plus d'indépendance à la radio. Il parlait notamment des effets que cette liberté aurait eus sur la société britannique :

Suggérer que la BBC qui forme l'opinion aux esprits du peuple anglais, a exercé une bonne influence quelconque, lorsqu'on considère la criminalité de grandes zones de Londres ; lorsqu'on considère les Mods and Rockers, et toutes ces autres choses ; lorsqu'on considère les sapements totaux d'ordre moral qui ont lieu en Angleterre, à notre très grande détresse, ces dernières quinze années, ce membre honorable [député de l'assembée que critique van der Byl] ne peut guère faire mention de cela comme argument favorable à la liberté des radios.[16].

Dès la fin de 1964, van der Byl et son ministère contrôlaient toutes les radio de la Rhodésie.[15]. Lors d'une séance du parlement il décrivait les buts que son ministère s'était fixés ; il leur convenait de « ne pas simplement transmettre des informations vues sous un angle intéressant, mais de prendre sa place dans la bataille de propagande au nom du pays ». Il définissait la propagande comme « simplement la propagation de la foi et de la croyance dans n'importe quelle idéologie ou chose », avant d'ajouter que son ministère rechercherait la « résurrection de la détermination de l'européen de survivre et de se battre pour ses droits. »[17].

L'élection de 1965

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Lors des élections de mai 1965, van der Byl était l'un des élus les plus importants de son parti, le front rhodésien. On parlait déjà d'une déclaration unilatérale d'indépendance et van der Byl maintenait que seulement un faible pourcentage des entreprises rhodésiennes s'y opposaient ; cependant dans ses discours van der Byl dénonçait souvent l'implication des entreprises dans la politique. Il faisait référence notamment au soutien des intérêts miniers de Johannesbourg porté au parti progressif de l'afrique du sud, et à celui des grandes entreprises allemandes porté au nazis. De même, il soutenait que la révolutuion bolchévique en Russie aurait été financée par des grandes entreprises américaines.[18].

Le front rhodésien a emporté une victoire écrasante, gagnant chaque circonscription dont les électeurs étaient pour la plupart blancs. Au congrès du front rhodésien de août 1965, les membres du parti s'en prenaient vivement à la presse en raison du non-soutien de cette dernière du gouvernement. Ils ont formulé entre autres, une proposition exigeant que chaque article de presse touchant à la politique soit signé par son auteur. Van der Byl y apporta son soutien.[19].

DUI

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Au sein du gouvernement, van der Byl fut l'une des voix les plus bruyantes qui pressait Ian Smith à procéder à une déclération unilaterale d'independance (DUI). Il dénonça vivement la menace des sanctions britanniques ; le 4 mai 1965 il dit que la déstruction économique de la Rhodésie entraînera la déstruction de l'économie zambienne (l'ancienne rhodésie du nord). David Butler, le leader de l'opposition, interpreta ces propos comme menace millitaire.[20]. van der Byl se vit conférer la tâche de convaincre les et blancs rhodésiens et l'opinion mondiale que la DUI serait bénéfique. En septembre 1965 il fut annoncé qu'il partirait en tournée dans le royaume-uni afin de promouvoir l'indépendance rhodésienne. Selon David Steel, van der Byl prétendait que la France et les États-Unis seraient les premiers à reconnaître le gouvernement DUI.[21]. Le 22 Octobre, Van der Byl fut nommé sous ministre délégué à l'information.[22] et en tant que tel il était l'un des signataires de la déclération unilaterale d'independance le 11 november 11, 1965.

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La signature de la déclération unilaterale d'indépendance. Van der Byl est visible, quoique obscurci, portant un costume clair, à droite, vers le haut.

Van der Byl fut accueilli par un discours très critique à l'égard du gouvernement rhodésien donné par l'archevêque de canterbury, Michael Ramsey. Ce dernier était favorable à l'envoie de troupes britanniques afin de forcer les Rhodésiens à suivre la politique britannique de décolonisation. Van der Byl rétorqua en comparant le discours à « la tragique connivance à la destruction de la Tchécoslovaquie en échange de l'apaisement inutile à Munich en 1938. » [23]. Van der Byl employait déjà les mots "kith and kin" pour faire référence aux liens ethniques qu'il voyait entre les rhodésiens blancs et le peuple du Royaume-Uni. Il ne voyait aucune contradiction entre l'acte de signer une lettre dans laquelle les mots « loyauté constante » furent évoqués et de déclarer l'indépendance du Royaume-Uni seulement quelques jours plus tard.[11]; le gouvernement rhodésien prenait alors le soin de déclarer the Rhodesian Government was careful at the time of UDI to state its continued loyalty to the British Crown, although it later declared a Republic.

Despite his belief in propaganda, van der Byl was outraged when the BBC subsequently set up a radio station at Francistown in Botswana which broadcast for 27 months criticising UDI and urging the Rhodesians to revoke it. He was later to claim the station was inciting violence[24], although this was denied by those who had been regular listeners[25]. On January 26, 1966 after the declaration of independence, van der Byl was willing to be quoted saying that Rhodesian Army troops would follow a 'scorched earth' policy should the Royaume-Uni send in troops, comparing their position to that of the Red Army when Nazi forces invaded the Soviet Union in 1941. He was highly critical of Harold Wilson, describing him as a "highly dangerous, uninformed and conceited little man"[26].

Censorship

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The Rhodesia Herald of September 21, 1966 shows the effect of censorship imposed by van der Byl's ministry.

Internally, his policy was enforced through Ministry control of TV and radio and through censorship of newspapers. From December 31, 1965, the Ministry of Information expanded its brief and was renamed the Ministry of Information, Immigration and Tourism, which meant that it was also responsible for deciding whether to grant or revoke permits to visit Rhodesia[22]. Several foreign journalists were expelled: John Worrall, correspondent for The Guardian, went in January 1969. The Rhodesia Herald, then in opposition to both the Rhodesian Front and UDI, frequently appeared with large white spaces on its news pages where censored stories had been placed. Stories and editorials personally critical of van der Byl were immediately removed.

Censorship was tightened still further on February 8, 1966 when it was made illegal to indicate where material had been removed. The censor was also given the power to alter existing material or to move it around the newspaper. Dr Ahrn Palley, the lone white opposition MP, described the powers as "censorship gone mad", and insisted that there would no longer be any guarantee that anything published in the newspapers was authentic. van der Byl responded by saying that the new measures were a reflection on the newspapers which had made such powers necessary[27]. In 1967 van der Byl was reported by Malcolm Smith, the former editor of the Herald, as remarking that a high degree of self-censorship was required, and support for the government was essential[28].

The Herald (and the Bulawayo Chronicle) decided to defy the restrictions, boldly printing blank spaces which identified removed material. van der Byl personally visited the newspaper offices on the day the new regulations came in to warn the staff that if the paper was printed as proposed, they would "publish at your peril". However the papers continued to appear with identifiable censorship in defiance of the government, and in 1968 the regulations were scrapped.

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* CUSTOMER: Where did you get this newspaper with all these blank spaces?
* STORE KEEPER: That's no newspaper - that's my wrapping paper!

Following the tighter censorship, van der Byl is depicted as the customer in this cartoon from the magazine Umbowo in March 1966.

Deportation

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Shortly after UDI, 46 academics working at the University College, Rhodesia (a racially non-segregated institution) wrote to The Times in London to denounce the move. Officers of the British South Africa Police visited many of those who had signed to search their houses. Shortly afterwards, the residence permit of one of the academics came up for renewal, which would normally be automatic; in fact, it was revoked and the academic was deported. van der Byl was the responsible minister and all but admitted that the reason was his opposition to UDI.[29]

van der Byl's strategy seemed to work at home, with many Rhodesians remaining unaware until the end just how isolated and vulnerable their country was becoming. The Times was later to describe him as a "skilled propagandist who believed his own propaganda"[11]. When sanctions on Rhodesia were confirmed in January 1967, van der Byl compared their situation with Spain following the Second World War, saying that the isolation of Spain had not stopped it from becoming one of the most advanced and economically successful countries in Europe. However, the reality of the situation must have been brought home to van der Byl in April 1966 when he made informal approaches to see if he might visit Britain 'for social reasons' during a tour of Europe. The Commonwealth Relations Office replied that he would not be recognised as enjoying any form of recognition or immunity[30]. Other European governments refused to recognise his passport and expelled him from the country[31].

Wider role in politics

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On September 13, 1968 he was promoted to be the full Minister of Information, Immigration and Tourism. van der Byl's aristocratic background, military experience and academic credentials combined to give him an almost iconic status within the Rhodesian Front. Many were impressed by his exploits as a big-game hunter, which began when he shot his first lion in a garden in Northern Rhodesia at the age of 15[11]. He was also known to be a patron of the arts in public and a womaniser in private. Many in the Rhodesian Front believed him to be "a 19th century-style connoisseur, a man of culture and an aristocrat-statesman" in the words of Michael Hartnack, a South African journalist[32]. Hartnack went on to observe "Poseurs are an incipient hazard in any unsophisticated society". Within the somewhat claustrophobic confines of white Rhodesian society outside the RF, van der Byl was achieving some degree of respect.

In politics, he assumed the position of hard-line opponent of any form of compromise with domestic opponents or the international community. He made little secret of his willingness to succeed Ian Smith as Prime Minister if Smith showed even "the least whiff of surrender", and did his best to discourage attempts to get the Rhodesians to compromise. When Bishop Abel Muzorewa had his passport withdrawn in September 1972 after returning from a successful visit to London, the government did not attempt to counter the rumour that it action was taken following van der Byl's personal order[33].

In April 1972, van der Byl sparked a row over the agreement which Rhodesia and the Royaume-Uni had made in November 1971. Under this agreement, Rhodesia had agreed to certain concessions to African nationalism in return for the prospect of recognition of its independence; however, implementation of the agreement was to be delayed until the Pearce Commission reported on whether the settlement proposals would be approved by the people of Rhodesia. Van der Byl insisted that Rhodesia would not implement any part of the agreement unless Rhodesia's independence was first acknowledged, regardless of the answer from the Pearce Commission. When the Pearce Commission reported that the European population of Rhodesia were in support but the African population were opposed, the agreement was ditched. Many outside and inside Rhodesia had hoped that the government would implement some of the agreement even if Pearce reported against it[34].

His derision of working class British Labour politicians also caused problems. When, in January 1966, three visiting Labour MPs were manhandled, kicked and punched while attempting to address 400 supporters of the Rhodesian Front, van der Byl blamed the three for refusing an offer from his Ministry to coordinate the visit, and pointed out that they were breaking the law which required government permission for any political meeting of more than 12 people[35].

The propaganda circulated by his Ministry (typically including references to "happy, smiling natives") was considered laughable. Visiting British journalist Peregrine Worsthorne, who knew van der Byl socially, reported seeing a copy of Mein Kampf on his coffee table[36]. His propaganda strategy became increasingly unsuccessful abroad, where van der Byl alienated many of the foreign journalists and politicians that he came into contact with. Max Hastings, then reporting for the Evening Standard, described him as "appalling" and said that he and Smith "would have seemed ludicrous figures, had they not possessed the power of life and death over millions of people"; van der Byl had him deported[37].

Conservative MP Douglas Hurd described van der Byl, as "the most ignorant and offensive person in authority whom I have ever met. A false Englishman in the manner of von Richthofen. Against elections, against everything except intrigue and condescension." [38]

While still popular with the Rhodesian Front members, he was criticised at the 1972 Party Congress for his lack of success in improving Rhodesia's image around the world; however, he retained the confidence of Ian Smith and was kept on in a government reshuffle on May 24, 1973. That winter saw him promote a new Broadcasting Bill to transfer control of the monopoly Rhodesian Broadcasting Corporation. Allan Savory, then the lone white opposition MP, criticised the Bill for the composition of the proposed board, which was dominated by strong supporters of the Rhodesian Front. van der Byl insisted, somewhat unsuccessfully to foreign observers, that the government was not trying to take over broadcasting[39].

Minister of Defence

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His finest hour was the two years he served as Minister of Foreign Affairs and Defence, a post he was appointed to on August 2, 1974. van der Byl (clad in beautifully tailored battledress) would fly by helicopter to a beleaguered army outpost. Wearing dark glasses and sporting a swagger stick, he would deliver a rousing speech for the benefit of the troops and the TV cameras - before returning to Salisbury in time for a good dinner. Many white Rhodesians (including some of its army personnel) found this sort of thing to be vastly impressive[9]. He also drew heavily on Winston Churchill for some of his inspiring speeches, as for example when he told the Rhodesian army "If the battle should wax fiercer, there can be no question of surrender. We shall contest every river, every crossroads, every village, every town and every kopje."

Rhodesia's defensive position took a blow in 1975 when the Portuguese government suddenly withdrew from Mozambique which bordered Rhodesia on the east, leaving that country under the control of a Soviet-allied government which actively supported the military overthrow of both South Africa and Rhodesia's white minority governments. The ZANU forces under Robert Mugabe and Edgar Tekere went over to Mozambique to intensify the Bush war, and the Rhodesian Army made several cross-border raids. Mozambique President Samora Machel declared these attacks an act of war and blockaded Rhodesia from early 1976.

There were rumours, in February 1976, that Soviet tanks were being unloaded in Mozambique to help in the war and, unluckily for van der Byl, the British Foreign Office minister was David Ennals, one of those who had received rough treatment in 1966. Ennals announced that in the event of a racial war breaking out in Rhodesia, there would be no British help. van der Byl responded by claiming this indicated Britain accepting Rhodesia's independence[40]. He attacked Abel Muzorewa for supporting President Machel, saying that "being a good churchman and a Bishop there is a very strong possibility he might be a communist"[41].

Following Mozambique, the Zambian government permitted guerillas to establish bases from which to attack Rhodesia in their territory in summer 1976. Van der Byl told a newspaper reporter that this had to be expected[42]. As infiltration grew, he declared at the beginning of July that the Rhodesian Army would not hesitate to bomb and destroy villages that harboured guerillas[43]. A cross-border army raid inside Mozambique in August 1976 killed at least 340 and probably between 600 and 1,000, with van der Byl insisting that the government had irrefutable proof that the raid had targeted a guerilla training camp, but that it was not willing to disclose it[44]. International opinion generally condemned the raid as a massacre.

Foreign Affairs

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Van der Byl took over at a time when South Africa was putting increasing pressure on the Rhodesians to make an agreement on majority rule. In March 1975, he had to fly urgently to Cape Town to explain why the Rhodesian government had detained Rev. Ndabaningi Sithole of the Zimbabwe African National Union, who was improbably accused of plotting to murder his colleagues. The South Africans were extremely displeased with this action and suspected that the real reason was that the Rhodesians objected to Sithole and preferred to negotiate with Joshua Nkomo[45]. van der Byl was unsuccessful in reassuring the South Africans and Ian Smith was forced to follow him.

Victoria Falls Bridge where the August 1975 negotiations took place

Gradually the South Africans grew unwilling to help Rhodesia. The remaining 200 South African policemen transferred to help in the guerilla war were removed suddenly in August 1975, a move which appeared to precede even more disengagement. Van der Byl responded in a speech on August 8 which asserted that "The terrorists who are trained and equipped outside our border and who invade our country with the willing help of other governments are here for a much wider purpose than the overthrow of Rhodesia. They are here to represent a force which sees Rhodesia as just one more stepping stone to victory over South Africa because they see South Africa as a vital key to the security of America, Europe and the rest of the western world."[46]

When the Rhodesian government held talks with the African National Council on the railway bridge across the Victoria Falls in August 1975 (the train in which the talks took place was strategically in the middle of the bridge so that the ANC were in Zambia while the Rhodesians remained in Rhodesia), van der Byl was not a member of the Rhodesian delegation. This was a curious omission given his position. He did however participate in talks with Joshua Nkomo that December.

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"van der Byl languidly fielding questions at a press conference in his pseudo-English drawl, flashing an evil grin, his teeth discoloured by tobacco and red wine, was a memorable diversion from the stupefying dullness of Rhodesia" - Dan van der Vat

Van der Byl's habit of referring to the African population as "munts" (he asserted that "Rhodesia is able to handle the munts"[47]) led to extreme unpopularity with the South African government, and he did not attend talks with South African Prime Minister John Vorster in October 1975. This was interpreted as being connected to a personal dislike. When, on August 26 1976, the South African government announced the withdrawal of all its military helicopter crews from Rhodesia, van der Byl was outspoken in his criticism and Vorster was reported to have refused to have anything to do with "that dreadful man van der Byl"[3]. Ian Smith decided "clearly I had no option"[48] and on September 9, 1976, a sudden cabinet reshuffle deprived van der Byl of his Defence responsibilities. Smith claimed that the South African dislike of van der Byl was partly motivated by the memory of his father who had been in opposition to the National Party[49].

Contribution to diplomacy

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As the prominence of the issue of Rhodesia increased in the late 1970s, attention on van der Byl increased. Reporters noted his impressively quotable lines at press conferences (such as his explanation for why the Rhodesian government did not usually give the names of guerillas which it had hanged: "It's an academic question, because they are normally dead"[5]). While negotiating with the Patriotic Front put together by ZANU and ZAPU at the Rhodesia conference in November 1976, he described ZANU leader Robert Mugabe as "this bloodthirsty Marxist puppet" and the Patriotic Front proposals as "almost a parody, a music hall caricature of communist invective"[50].

At this conference, which was jointly organised by the Royaume-Uni and United States, van der Byl rejected the idea of an interim British presence in Rhodesia during a transition to majority rule, which was identified as one of the only ways of persuading the Patriotic Front to endorse a settlement[51]. Ultimately, on January 7, 1977 he announced the rejection of any agreement that the conference might come to[52].

Later that month, van der Byl was finding pressure put on him by more moderate voices within Rhodesia and hinted that the government might amend the Land Tenure Act which restricted the amount of land which Africans could own. He also remarked that Bishop Abel Muzorewa "can be said to represent the African in this country"[53], which indicated the direction in which the Smith government was hoping to travel: an accommodation with moderate voices within Rhodesia was likely to be a better end than a capitulation to the Patriotic Front. Van der Byl was prepared to support this strategy and did not go along with the 12 Rhodesian Front MPs who formed the Rhodesian Action Party in early 1977 claiming that the Front had not adhered to party principles.

Although van der Byl was now prepared to say that he supported the transition to majority rule, he was quick to put restrictions on it when interviewed in April 1977. He insisted that majority rule would only be possible on a "very qualified franchise--that's what the whole thing is about", and also said that any settlement must be endorsed by a two-thirds majority of the existing Legislative Assembly (which was largely elected by white Rhodesians)[54]. Over the summer of 1977 he continued to warn that insistence on capitulation to the Patriotic Front would produce a white backlash and put negotiations back[55].

However, the Rhodesian government was forced to put its internal settlement negotiations on hold during a joint US-UK initiative in late 1977. van der Byl's public comments seemed to be aimed at ensuring this mission did not succeed, as he insisted that it had no chance of negotiating a ceasefire, described the Carter administration as "mindless", and the joint mission as being "Anglo-American-Russian"[56]. When a plan was published, he described it as "totally outrageous" and involving "the imposition of unconditional surrender on an undefeated people who are not enemies"[57].

Internal settlement

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The mission did fail and the internal settlement talks were resurrected, resulting in a deal on March 4, 1978. A transitional joint Council of Ministers was set up, with van der Byl having to work with Dr Elliott Gabellah as his co-Minister of Foreign Affairs. The Patriotic Front took no notice of this accord and the guerilla war continued; Lord Richard Cecil, a close family friend working as a photo-journalist, was killed by guerillas on April 27 1978 [58] after van der Byl had ensured he had full access to military areas denied to other reporters[59].

In May van der Byl greeted news of massacres in Zaire as "a blessing in disguise" because they might ensure that warnings about Soviet penetration in Africa were heeded[60]. He denounced the British government the following month for refusing to recognise that a massacre of Elim missionaries was perpetrated by the Patriotic Front[61]. As the date for the full implementation of the internal settlement grew nearer, van der Byl's profile decreased, but he remained active in politics: he was elected unopposed for the whites-only Gatooma/Hartley seat to the Zimbabwe-Rhodesia House of Assembly. He handed over power to his African successor on June 1, 1979, and became instead Minister of Transport and Power and Minister of Posts in the new government.

Lancaster House

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When "the wheels came off the wagon" (as he put it)[3] at Lancaster House in 1979, van der Byl greeted the event with amused detachment. He was not a member of any delegation at the conference and did not attend. The weekend after the agreement, he called on the Rhodesian Front to revitalise itself as the only true representative of Europeans in Rhodesia[62], and he ascribed the result of the conference to "a succession of perfidious British governments"[63].

According to Ian Smith's memoirs, van der Byl organised a meeting between Ian Smith and Major-General Peter Walls, Commander of the Rhodesian Army, shortly before the first Zimbabwean elections in February 1980, where they agreed a strategy to prevent Robert Mugabe winning[64]. They met again on February 26, the day before polling began in the Common Roll election. The consensus at this meeting was that Abel Muzorewa's interim government would win enough seats, when put together with the 20 seats reserved for whites which were all Rhodesian Front, to deny Mugabe victory. However, the early election results in March dented this confidence.

Smith asked Walls for details of his plan ('Operation Quartz') [65] for using force to prevent ZANU-PF taking power (whether or not it won the election). Walls insisted that ZANU-PF would not win the election. When it did happen, both Smith and van der Byl believed that the Army should step in to prevent Mugabe taking over. Walls took the view that it was already too late, and while the others wished for some move, they were forced to concede to this view[66].

In Zimbabwe

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Van der Byl had been elected unopposed to the new House of Assembly for Gatooma/Hartley and remained a close associate of Smith, becoming Vice President of the 'Republican Front' (later renamed the Conservative Alliance of Zimbabwe). At the 1985 general election the boundaries for the White Roll seats were altered and van der Byl fought in Mount Pleasant, opposing Chris Andersen[67]. Andersen had broken with the Rhodesian Front to sit as an Independent and became Minister of State for the Public Service in Robert Mugabe's government. Van der Byl lost the election heavily[68], polling only 544 votes to 1,017 for Andersen and 466 for a third candidate. The Conservative Alliance of Zimbabwe still controlled the election of ten white Senators and Smith agreed to elect van der Byl to one of the Senate seats.

Parliamentary seats reserved for whites were abolished in 1987. Van der Byl made his last speech in Parliament on September 10, in which he praised Robert Mugabe for the "absolute courtesy" he had shown since independence. He noted that he was the last surviving member of the 1965 government remaining in Parliament, and declared he hoped "I would have been cherished .. as a sort of national monument, and not flung into the political wilderness". His speech loudly denounced the former Republican Front and Conservative Alliance of Zimbabwe members who had gone over to the government, describing them as "dreadful souls screaming in agony". The government minister Dr Edson Zvobgo responded with an ironic poem referring to the number of Africans killed by troops under van der Byl's command[69].

Retirement

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In 1983, van der Byl had inherited from his mother a property described as 'the magnificent estate .. near Caledon in the Western Cape', and following the end of his political career had no need to keep a home in Zimbabwe. He left as a rich man, with an attractive young wife, and enjoyed his retirement. He frequently visited London where he was a good friend of Viscount Cranborne, who put him up for membership of the Turf Club[70]. Both were members of White's Club and were often seen there when van der Byl was in town[71].

Four days after his 76th birthday, van der Byl died at Caledon. In his obituary [4], Dan van der Vat wrote "The arrival of majority rule in South Africa made no difference, and he died a very wealthy man. UDI had been a bit of a lark, to be enjoyed while it lasted and shrugged off when it failed. Despite the deaths of thousands of Africans at the hands of white Rhodesian troops and police resisting the inevitable, van der Byl, no less than Smith and their atavistic cronies, got clean away with it."

Modèle:Succession box one to two
Zantastik/traductions en cours
Précédé par Suivi par
Jack Howman Minister of Information, Immigration and Tourism
(1968-1974) 		Wickus de Kock
Reginald Cowper Minister of the Public Service
(1976-1978) 		Hilary Squires
Elly Broomberg Minister of Information, Immigration and Tourism
joint with Dr Elliott Gabellah 1978-1979
(1977-1979) 		Silas Mundawarara
William Irvine Minister of Transport and Power
(1979) 		none (during Lord Soames' Governorship)
Ernest Kadungure from April 1980
James Chikerema and William Irvine Minister of Posts
(1979) 		none (during Lord Soames' Governorship)
George Silundika from April 1980

Notes & references

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  1. ↑ Voir Denis Hills, "Rebel People", George Allen and Unwin, 1978, p. 204: van der Byl aurait "un flot de phrases maniérées qu'il prononçait dans son accent parfait de haut officier anglais". Ce dessin qui a apparu dans un journal rhodésian montre une autre réaction.
  2. ↑ David Spanier, "Rhodesia's Foreign Minister a man calculated to give offence", The Times, Thursday November 4, 1976, page 7
  3. ↑ a b c d et e (en)Rhodesian Personalities: Pieter Kenyon Fleming-Voltelyn van der Byl
  4. ↑ a b et c Dan van der Vat, (en)"Pieter van der Byl: Rich, white aristocrat behind Rhodesia's bid to stop black rule" (obituary), The Guardian, November 30, 1999, p. 22
  5. ↑ a et b Erreur de référence : Balise <ref> incorrecte : aucun texte n’a été fourni pour les références nommées spanier
  6. ↑ Liste des membres de Cambridge University
  7. ↑ Historical Register of Cambridge University, supplement 1941-1950 (Cambridge University Press, 1952), p. 208
  8. ↑ Harvard Alumni Directory 1986, p. 1256. Van der Byl faisait partie de la promotion de 1949.
  9. ↑ a et b Rhodesians at war: The main players
  10. ↑ (en) www.thepeerage.com, consulté 20 mars, 2006
  11. ↑ a b c et d (en) "Pieter van der Byl" (nécrologie), The Times, 10 january, 2000, p. 19
  12. ↑ a et b (en)"Who's Who of Southern Africa 1971", Rhodesia, Central and East Africa Section, Combined Publishers (Pty.) Ltd, Johannesburg 1971, p. 1286-154
  13. ↑ (en)Source Book of Parliamentary Elections and Referenda in Southern Rhodesia 1898-1962 ed. by F.M.G. Willson (Department of Government, University College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, Salisbury, 1963), p. 197
  14. ↑ a et b "Holders of Administrative and Ministerial Office 1894-1964 and Members of the Legislative Council 1899-1923 and the Legislative Assembly 1924-1964" by F.M.G. Willson and G.C. Passmore, University College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, 1965.
  15. ↑ a et b Robert Blake, "A History of Rhodesia", Eyre Methuen, 1977, p. 367
  16. ↑ Southern Rhodesia Legislative Assembly Hansard, August 12, 1964, col. 694
  17. ↑ Southern Rhodesia Legislative Assembly Hansard, July 27, 1965, col. 1418
  18. ↑ Larry W. Bowman, "Politics in Rhodesia: White Power in an African State", Harvard University Press, 1973, p. 80, citing Rhodesia Herald, April 30, 1965 and May 5, 1965
  19. ↑ Rhodesia: The Road to Rebellion by James Barber (Oxford University Press, 1967), p. 283
  20. ↑ "New warning by Smith on independence", The Times, Wednesday May 5, 1965, p. 9
  21. ↑ David Steel, "I told you so from the start", The Times, Thursday March 6, 1980, p. 16
  22. ↑ a et b Rhodesia Government Gazette, vol. 43 (1965)
  23. ↑ "Speech deplored by Minister", The Times, Thursday October 28, 1965, p. 12
  24. ↑ Letter from P.K. van der Byl to The Times published on Wednesday, January 25, 1978, p. 17
  25. ↑ Letter from H.C. Norwood to The Times published on Monday, February 20, 1978, p. 15
  26. ↑ "'Scorched Earth' in Rhodesia if Britain sends troops", The Times, Thursday, January 27, 1966, p. 10
  27. ↑ "Drastic powers for the Rhodesian Censor", The Times, Wednesday, February 9, 1966, p. 10
  28. ↑ Malcolm Smith, "How censorship has affected the Rhodesian press", The Times, Tuesday, November 7, 1967, p. 11
  29. ↑ Christopher Hill, "The crisis facing Rhodesia's non-racial university", The Times, Monday, August 8, 1966, p. 9
  30. ↑ "Rebuff to a Rhodesian Minister", The Times, Tuesday, May 3, 1966, p. 1
  31. ↑ Hansard, December 5, 1966, vol. 737, col. 1065
  32. ↑ Michael Hartnack, "White seal, Black messiah", Dispatch online, Tuesday, November 6, 2001
  33. ↑ "Bishop Muzorewa has his passport taken away", The Times, Monday, September 11, 1972, p. 5
  34. ↑ "Tougher Rhodesian line on settlement proposals", The Times, Monday, April 10, 1972, p. 5
  35. ↑ "British M.P.s manhandled by Mr. Smith's supporters", The Times, Thursday, January 13, 1966, p. 10. See also BBC News online 'On this day'.
  36. ↑ Interview for Centre for Contemporary British History witness seminars
  37. ↑ Max Hastings, "Going to the Wars", Macmillan, 2000, p. 186, 189
  38. ↑ Douglas Hurd, "Memoirs", Little Brown, 2003, p. 280
  39. ↑ "Sect members accused of evading conscription", The Times, Thursday, December 6, 1973, p. 7
  40. ↑ "Rhodesia says any Soviet interference would be 'naked aggression'", The Times, Tuesday, February 17, 1976, p. 6
  41. ↑ Nicholas Ashford, "Rhodesia admits 1,000 guerillas are operating inside border", The Times, Saturday, March 6, 1976, p. 4
  42. ↑ Michael Knipe, "Rebels open third front against Rhodesia", The Times, Friday, June 11, 1976, p. 7
  43. ↑ Michael Knipe, "Smith Cabinet rejects plan to open white farm areas to blacks", The Times, Saturday, July 3, 1976, p. 5
  44. ↑ Michael Knipe, "Rhodesians ask UN to investigate camp raid", The Times", Wednesday, August 25, 1976, p. 1
  45. ↑ Michael Knipe, "Sithole arrest linked with death list", The Times, Friday, March 7, 1975, p. 8
  46. ↑ "Relations under strain at Pretoria meeting", The Times, Saturday, August 9, 1975, p. 1
  47. ↑ "Chilly reception awaits Rhodesian leader after television remark", The Times, Monday, October 20, 1975, p. 4
  48. ↑ The Great Betrayal: The Memoirs of Ian Douglas Smith (Blake, 1997), p. 197
  49. ↑ The Memoirs of Ian Douglas Smith, op cit
  50. ↑ Alan McGregor, "Black majority in new Rhodesia Cabinet is sought in Geneva", The Times, Wednesday, December 1, 1976, p. 8
  51. ↑ "'British presence' idea rebuffed by Mr Smith", The Times, Saturday, December 4, 1976, p. 4
  52. ↑ "Rhodesia rejects all proposals", The Times, Saturday, January 8, 1977, p. 1
  53. ↑ Michael Knipe, "Mr Richard warns Salisbury not to reject peace plan", The Times, Friday, January 21, 1977, p. 6
  54. ↑ Michael Knipe, "Mr van der Byl demands guerrillas scale down war before Rhodesia settlement", The Times, Monday, April 25, 1977, p. 5
  55. ↑ "Warning of 'white backlash'", The Times, Wednesday, June 29, 1977, p. 6
  56. ↑ Nicholas Ashford, "Rhodesian doubts on Carver mission", The Times, Wednesday, November 2, 1977; p. 8
  57. ↑ "Lord Carver denies he was given 'brush off' by leaders in Africa", The Times, Friday, November 11, 1977, p. 8
  58. ↑ Rory Peck Trust :list of journalists killed in war
  59. ↑ "Lord Richard Cecil" (obituary), The Times, Saturday, April 22, 1978, p. 16
  60. ↑ "Kolwezi 'a blessing in disguise'", The Times, Monday, May 29, 1978, p. 5
  61. ↑ Frederick Cleary, "Call from Salisbury for Owen explanation", The Times, Wednesday, June 28, 1978, p. 8
  62. ↑ Nicholas Ashford, "Future looks doubtful for Smith party", The Times, Saturday, November 17, 1979, p. 5
  63. ↑ David Spanier, "Ceasefire accord sought this week", The Times, Monday, November 19, 1979, p. 5
  64. ↑ The Memoirs of Ian Douglas Smith, op cit, p. 336
  65. ↑ Operation Quartz - Rhodesia 1980
  66. ↑ The Memoirs of Ian Douglas Smith, op cit, p. 336
  67. ↑ Jan Raath, "Time stands still for Smith as whites face up to reality", The Times, Thursday, June 27, 1985, p. 5
  68. ↑ Jan Raath, "Smith wins battle in Bulawayo", The Times, Friday, June 28, 1985, p. 5
  69. ↑ Jan Raath, "Zimbabwe prize-fighters don kid gloves", The Times, Saturday, September 12, 1987, p. 7
  70. ↑ Paul Vallely and John Rentoul, "A Lordly plot to save their place", The Independent, December 4, 1996, p. 16
  71. ↑ "Pinochet revisited", Evening Standard, January 18, 1999, p. 13

Modèle:Persondata

Van der Byl, P.K. Van der Byl, P.K. Van der Byl, P.K. Van der Byl, P.K. Van der Byl

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